There is a significant prevalence of diagnosed HIV infection among Hispanics/Latinos in the United States compared with non-Hispanic whites. Researchers recently aimed to describe characteristics of Hispanics/Latinos in medical care by sex in order to identify disparities, emphasizing the need to decrease ethnic disparities in order to reach national prevention goals across populations.
The report, published by the CDC, used the 2013 and 2014 cycles of the Medical Monitoring Project (MMP) to collect demographic, behavioral, and clinical characteristic data among Hispanics/Latinos by sex.
The data revealed that Hispanic/Latina women were significantly more likely than men to live in poverty, report not speaking English well, and receive interpreter, transportation, and meal services. However, there were no significant differences between Hispanic/Latino women and men in prescription of antiretroviral therapy or sustained viral suppression, according to the report.
The lack of significant differences in clinical outcomes among Hispanic/Latino women and men may demonstrate a higher use of ancillary services by women, according to the authors.
“Levels of viral suppression for Hispanics/Latinos are lower than those found among non-Hispanic whites and lower than the national prevention goal of at least 80% of persons with diagnosed HIV infection,” the authors noted. “Providers should be cognizant of the challenges faced by Hispanics/Latinos with HIV infection in care and provide referrals to needed ancillary services.”
The data collected from the MMP included 1774 men and 577 woman who self-identified as Hispanic or Latino. The report noted that 78% of Hispanic/Latina women receiving HIV care lived at or below the federal household poverty level, compared with 54% of men. This is significant because the management of HIV care is known to be affected by poverty at all stages of the HIV care continuum. However, the higher reportage of meal and transportation services among women may helped certain negative consequences to their clinical outcomes.
“Overall, 38% of women and 21% of men reported not speaking English well, which can affect ability to understand a provider's instructions and ability to navigate the healthcare system,” the report stated. “In addition, the language barrier might prevent care providers from understanding the patient and could lead to missed opportunities to provide needed support or direction. Bilingual providers or interpreter services might have mitigated linguistic barriers.”
The report concluded it is necessary for providers to be aware of the challenges faced by this population and to improve access to ancillary services. Ethnic disparities need to be reduced in order to attain national prevention goals among this population, despite the lack of disparity found in viral suppression in HIV care in this report.
Source: Published originally on www.ajmc.com, Disparities in HIV Care Among Hispanic/Latino Men and Women, by Alison Rodriguez, December 1st, 2018.
Updated estimates on the U.S. unauthorized immigrant population were published here on Nov. 27, 2018.
About 250,000 babies were born to unauthorized immigrant parents in the United States in 2016, the latest year for which information is available, according to a new Pew Research Center analysis of government data. This represents a 36% decrease from a peak of about 390,000 in 2007. The analysis follows President Donald Trump's announcement that his administration may seek to end “birthright citizenship.”
The number of babies born to unauthorized immigrant parents represented about 6% of the 4.0 million total births in the U.S. in 2016, compared with 9% of all births in 2007.
Birthright citizenship derives from the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, adopted in 1868, which grants citizenship to anyone born in the U.S. The provision has long been interpreted to apply to U.S.-born children regardless of the immigration status of their parents.
While the Center's new analysis provides estimates about the number and share of U.S.-born babies with unauthorized immigrant parents, it's important to note that the legal status of immigrant parents can change over time. For example, parents who have legal permission to be in the U.S. at the time of their child's birth might later overstay their visas or otherwise become unauthorized. Similarly, parents who are unauthorized immigrants at the time of their child's birth might later become lawful immigrants and then naturalized citizens. (This analysis also slightly revises earlier estimates published by Pew Research Center.)
An NBC News/Wall Street Journal survey conducted in September 2017 found that around two-thirds of Americans (65%) said birthright citizenship should continue, compared with 30% who said it should end.
In a Pew Research Center survey conducted in summer 2015, prior to Trump's presidential campaign, six-in-ten Americans opposed the idea of changing the U.S. Constitution to prohibit children of those who are not legal residents from becoming citizens, while 37% supported the idea. Democrats opposed it by a three-to-one margin (75% vs. 23%), but Republicans were more split: About half (53%) favored amending the Constitution to end birthright citizenship while 44% opposed it. Among independents, 58% opposed changing the Constitution for this reason while 37% supported it.
Source: Published originally on pewresearch.org, Number of U.S.-born babies with unauthorized immigrant parents has fallen since 2007, by Jeffrey s. Passel, D'vera Cohn and john Gramlich, November 1st, 2018.
Study Suggests Risk of Cancer Death Increases with Each Generation of Latinos Born in the United States
The study's findings show that the highest cancer death rate occurred among third-generation U.S.-born Latinos, followed by second-generation Latinos with one or both parents born in Mexico. The lowest cancer death rate occurred among first-generation immigrants. The study also found the risk of dying from certain cancers, including lung, colorectal, and liver cancers, was significantly higher among third-generation U.S.-born Latinos compared with first-generation Mexico-born immigrants.
The study was presented at the 11th AACR Conference on The Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved (Abstract C084).
The researchers analyzed data from 29,308 Latinos of Mexican origin participating in the Multiethnic Cohort Study of Diet and Cancer funded by the National Cancer Institute. The participants were between the ages of 45 and 74 years, and they entered the study between 1993 and 1996. Cox models were used to estimate the relative risk (RR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) for cancer mortality associated with generation, adjusted for risk factors for cancer mortality, at cohort baseline.
During an average of 17.7 years, 2,915 cancer deaths were identified. The researchers found that the highest death rate (per 100,000) occurred among third-generation U.S.-born Latinos (age-adjusted rate = 537); followed by second-generation Latinos with one parent born in the United States (526 per 100,000) or both parents born in Mexico (481 per 100,000). The lowest cancer death rate occurred among first-generation immigrants (381 per 100,000).
After adjusting for education, lifestyle factors, and preexisting illnesses, Latino generation was associated with cancer mortality risk (P trend < .0001). The risk for third-generation U.S.-born, second-generation with one parent U.S.-born, and second-generation with both parents Mexico-born was significantly higher compared to first-generation immigrants (RR = 1.37 [95% CI = 1.21–1.54], 1.27 [1.12-1.44], and 1.20 [1.08-1.33], respectively). Restricting analyses to the Minimum Essential Coverage (MEC)-Medicare enrollees, for whom data indicated they are living in the United States and are eligible for national health insurance coverage, yielded similar results.
In specific cancer site analyses, the researchers found associations between generation with lung cancer (P trend = .014), colorectal cancer (P trend = .004), liver cancer (P trend = .006), and possibly breast cancer (P trend = .053). The risks of lung cancer (RR = 1.46 [1.09-1.97]), colorectal cancer (RR = 1.95 [1.28–2.95]), and liver cancer (RR = 1.87 [1.22–2.85]) deaths were significantly higher among third-generation U.S.-born compared to first-generation Mexico-born immigrants.
The risks of prostate, stomach, and pancreatic cancers were similar across generations.
Changing Risk Factors
“The disparities in cancer mortality we observed in U.S. Latinos are likely due to changes in lifestyle, health behaviors, and social factors,” said Veronica Wendy Setiawan, PhD, Associate Professor of Preventive Medicine, Keck School of Medicine at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles, and lead author of this study, in a statement. “This study is a reminder that some factors that contribute to cancer risk are modifiable.”
Dr. Setiawan declared no conflicts of interest. Funding for the study was provided by the National Cancer Institute.
The content in this post has not been reviewed by the American Society of Clinical Oncology, Inc. (ASCO®) and does not necessarily reflect the ideas and opinions of ASCO®.
Source: Published originally on ascopost.com, Study Suggests Risk of Cancer Death Increases with Each Generation of Latinos Born in the United States, by Jo Cavallo, November 5th, 2018.
As we continually search for ways to improve gender inclusivity in Spanish, we have come up with a myriad of broad language such as Latino/a and Latin@. The most recent of these solutions is the term “Latinx.” In our opinion, the use of the identifier “Latinx” as the new standard should be discouraged because it is a buzzword that fails to address any of the problems within Spanish on a meaningful scale. This position is controversial to some members of the Latino community here at Swarthmore and beyond, but the other positions within the community also deserve to be heard. We are Latinos, proud of our heritage, that were raised speaking Spanish. We are not arguing against gender-inclusive language. We have no prejudice towards non-binary people. We see, however, a misguided desire to forcibly change the language we and millions of people around the world speak, to the detriment of all. Under the “degenderization” of Spanish advocated by proponents of words such as “Latinx” words such as latinos, hermanos, and niños would be converted into latinxs, hermanxs, and niñxs respectively. This is a blatant form of linguistic imperialism — the forcing of U.S. ideals upon a language in a way that does not grammatically or orally correspond with it.
The term “Latinx” is used almost exclusively within the United States. According to Google trend data, “Latinx” came into popular use in October of 2014 and has since been widely popularized by American blogs and American institutions of higher education. The term is virtually nonexistent in any Spanish-speaking country. This is problematic for many reasons. It serves as a prime example of how English speakers can't seem to stop imposing their social norms on other cultures. It seems that U.S. English speakers came upon Spanish, deemed it too backwards compared to their own progressive leanings, and rather than working within the language to address any of their concerns, “fixed” it from a foreign perspective that has already had too much influence on Latino and Latin American culture. The vast majority of people in Latin America from personal experience, would likely be confused and even offended by this attempt to dictate for them how their language is to be structured and how they ought to manage their social constructs. It is interesting to observe how many “Latinx” activists become outraged when a non-Latino person wears traditional Latino costumes such as sombreros without understanding the significance of what they are wearing when they themselves participate in a form of reverse appropriation. To be clear – this is not to say these Latinos are detached from the culture, but rather taking American ideals and social beliefs and inserting into a language that has widespread use in places outside of the U.S. Rather than taking from a culture or people a part of them without respect or reverence for it, this reverse appropriation aims to put into a culture a part of one's own beliefs. This is not the forced and unwarranted taking of culture but rather the forced and unnecessary giving of incompatible segments of U.S. culture.
Perhaps the most ironic failure of the term is that it actually excludes more groups than it includes. By replacing o's and a's with x's, the word “Latinx” is rendered laughably incomprehensible to any Spanish speaker without some fluency in English. Try reading this “gender neutral” sentence in Spanish: “Lxs niñxs fueron a lx escuelx a ver sus amigxs.” You literally cannot, and it seems harmless and absurd until you realize the broader implication of using x as a gender-neutral alternative. It excludes all of Latin America, who simply cannot pronounce it in the U.S. way. It does not provide a gender-neutral alternative for Spanish-speaking non-binary individuals and thus excludes them. It excludes any older Spanish speakers who have been speaking Spanish for more than 40 years and would struggle to adapt to such a radical change. It effectively serves as an American way to erase the Spanish language. Like it or not, Spanish is a gendered language. If you take the gender out of every word, you are no longer speaking Spanish. If you advocate for the erasure of gender in Spanish, you then are advocating for the erasure of Spanish.
What then, is the solution if not “Latinx”? It may surprise you to learn that a gender-neutral term to describe the Latin-American community already exists in Spanish. Ready for it? Here it is: Latino. Gender in Spanish and gender in English are two different things. Even inanimate objects are given gendered -o/s and -a/s endings, although it is inherently understood that these objects are not tied to the genders assigned to them. In Spanish, when referencing groups, we only use the feminine ending when referring to an exclusively female group. On the other hand, when we refer to groups using the masculine ending, the group could either be exclusively males or a mix of people. For example, when someone says “los cubanos” an English speaker may instinctively interpret this as “the male Cubans,” but a Spanish speaker simply hears “the Cubans.” In fact, the only way to refer to a group that is not exclusively female in Spanish is by using the masculine ending. Therefore, according to the grammatical rules of Spanish, the term “Latinos” is already all-inclusive in terms of gender. For those that want the singular form of “Latino” without the association with gender, alternate forms exist — one can state their ancestry (“soy de Cuba/Mexico/Venezuela/etc”) or “soy de Latinoamerica”. Ultimately, the problem here is that “Latinx” does not fit within Spanish, and never will. X as a letter at the ends of words in Spanish is unpronounceable, not conjugatable, and frankly confusing. These alternate options both respect those on the non-binary spectrum and respect the dignity of the Spanish language.
We understand that some people may still support the term “Latinx”. Ultimately, we will never attempt to force anyone to personally define themselves in any way. If after reading this article anyone still feels that calling themselves “Latinx” instead of any other term brings them more happiness, we will respect that choice. However, we are strongly opposed to and cannot support this particular terminology becoming the new norm or creeping any further into a language it does not belong in. Some may be put off by gender in Spanish. But we are offended by the attempted degradation of our language at the hands of a foreign influence. “Latinx” undoubtedly stems from good intentions but is ultimately also clearly representative of a poorly thought out and self-defeating execution as well as a lack of respect for the sovereignty of Spanish.
Source: Published originally on The Phoenix, The argument against the use of the term “Latinx”, by Gilbert Guerra and Gilbert Orbea, November 19th, 2015.
Marlen Ríos-Hernández is a proud pioneer of a research technique she refers to as “intellectual dumpster diving.” By that, she means she studies trash — but probably not the kind you'd expect.
A Southern California native, Ríos-Hernández is a doctoral candidate in the ethnic studies department at the University of California, Riverside. Before arriving at UCR, she trained as a musicologist — “basically a music historian,” she explained.
As a researcher of punk music, the “trash” she sifts through is more akin to countercultural relics that have been discarded or ignored by traditional archivists. Through her work, she hopes to shed light on some of punk's early pioneers, many of whom have gone overlooked by mainstream chroniclers of the genre who have historically portrayed it as white and male-dominated.
“Punk has always been diverse,” Ríos-Hernández said. “Women, people of color, and queer-identifying people have been part of punk movements across time, and as a punk fan myself, I think it's important to recognize that representation. My work is a way of asking, ‘Who carries the weight of the things that we love?'”
In particular, her dissertation charts the growth of punk scenes in Los Angeles, Mexico, and Latin America from the late 1970s to the mid-2000s. The latter period, she said, holds personal significance for her because it was when she experienced her own coming of age as a punk fan and activist under the George W. Bush administration.
“There was a huge anti-war movement going on at the time, and my brother had been deployed to Iraq,” Ríos-Hernández said. “I got involved in the punk scene in South Gate with many of my friends who came from similar backgrounds — first-generation students, mixed-status families. Punk helped us during what was an especially difficult and terrifying time to be an immigrant or come from a mixed-status family in America.”
The punk scene quickly became both her preferred creative outlet and port of entry to social justice work. Bands like the Casualties, the Germs, and the Devotchkas were among her original favorites, but it wasn't until she found Alice Bag — a Chicana pillar of the Hollywood punk scene — that Ríos-Hernández's scholarly research began to take shape.
This year, Ríos-Hernández will work to complete her studies at UC Riverside as the recipient of a $20,000 dissertation fellowship from the American Association of University Women. Designed to tackle some of the barriers women face in education, the association's dissertation fellowship program is dual-sided, enabling recipients to pursue both academic work and community projects that empower women and girls.
Along with finishing her dissertation, the fellowship will allow Ríos-Hernández to continue her work as a mentor for other first-generation humanities students who want to pursue graduate school. She also recently started as a staffer at the Chicano Student Programs office, where she serves as its graduate student events and programs coordinator.
As a researcher, she said, one of the highlights of her current work involves leading students from a variety of arts and humanities departments through interactive, punk-inspired lectures. One tackles a dance style called the pogo — think of it as a less aggressive, more equitable predecessor to moshing — which Ríos-Hernández detailed in an essay recently accepted for publication in “The Oxford Handbook of Punk Rock.”
Investigating so-called “trash” like the pogo and its transformation into moshing is part of an effort to encourage students to question why things are remembered the way that they are. And for those who want to continue their education in punk, Ríos-Hernández has plenty of resources to recommend, beginning with Bag's memoir, “Violence Girl,” and the 1981 documentary film “The Decline of Western Civilization.”
“Recordings of many L.A. punk bands are very rare, but what's happening now is that the punk elders who are still with us are putting their recordings on the internet or writing their memoirs,” Ríos-Hernández said. “It's a really vibrant time to be listening to what's coming out about the L.A. punk community.”
The renaissance of sorts has been a boon for her research. Still, Ríos-Hernández admitted, she sometimes feels torn between her more scholarly pursuits and the age-old punk mentality that places a premium on resisting conformity.
“It's been really interesting writing about punk music as a graduate student and trying to make a career out of it, because punk traditionally goes against being part of the system,” she said. “But maybe because I've gotten this far, I feel like I have a responsibility to do this work right — a responsibility both to fans of punk and to the people who made this music in the early days and continue to make it now.”
Likewise, Ríos-Hernández added, she feels a profound responsibility to UC Riverside, the place she affectionately calls “the unsung hero of the UC system.”
“I wouldn't trade my time here for the world,” she said. “I fully intend to come back after I graduate — that's my dream.”
Source: Published originally on news.ucr.edu A Ph.D. in punk? Only at UC Riverside, by Tess Eyrich, October 15th, 2018./span>